PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS AND BELIEFS ABOUT COGNITIVE AGING

The term “cognitive aging” is relatively new, and therefore the public is less familiar with it than with terms for brain diseases such as dementia and Alzheimer's disease. The level of awareness of Alzheimer's disease is very high. In 2006, 93 percent of Americans age 45 or older said they had heard of Alzheimer's disease (MetLife MMI and LifePlans, 2006). Public communication about cognitive aging will need to cover its definition and scope (see Chapters 1 and 2), explain how it differs from brain disease, describe the range of cognitive abilities and how they change with age (some improve, some decline), highlight the variability among individuals in cognitive changes with age, and underscore the ways in which maintaining cognitive health preserves an individual's relationships, independence, sense of autonomy, and enjoyment of favorite activities.

When trying to influence health behavior change, such as the adoption of behaviors that protect and enhance cognitive health, it is important to understand the motives that people have for their actions, their perceptions about the efficacy of the actions and their ability to perform them, and the environmental factors that support or hinder the behaviors (Ajzen, 1991; Bandura, 1986; Fisher and Fisher, 2002; Sallis et al., 2008). Past public communication campaigns aimed at preventing negative health outcomes have made an impact on middle-aged and older adults (Snyder and LaCroix, 2013), meaning that public efforts to change the behavior of middle-aged and older individuals related to cognitive aging may be more successful than such interventions at earlier ages, when people may believe the issue is less personally relevant. Understanding how middle-aged and older adults feel about cognitive health and decline is essential.

In surveys and focus groups, midlife and older adults express significant widespread fears and concerns about cognitive decline and the loss of decision-making capacity (AARP, 2012; Anderson et al., 2009; CDC, 2013; Friedman et al., 2013; Laditka et al., 2011; Price et al., 2011). Studies in 2002 and 2006 found that more than 60 percent of the adult population feared memory loss when they were older (Cutler et al., 2002; PARADE and Research!America, 2006). In 2009, 73 percent of adults over 18 years of age reported that they were concerned or very concerned “that their memory may worsen with age,” a concern that was highest among women and those of middle age (Friedman et al., 2013). A substantial proportion of adults (66 percent) is also concerned about needing to take care of a loved one with Alzheimer's disease in the future, while 44 percent currently have a family member or friend with Alzheimer's disease (MetLife MMI et al., 2011). Sixty percent of people over 50 years of age would like to know their own risk of developing Alzheimer's disease someday (Roberts et al., 2014). Most people over 50 years old (89 percent in a recent survey) understand that genetics can play a role in Alzheimer's disease risk; fewer (55 percent) realize that stress can play a role in its development (Roberts et al., 2014).

A number of studies highlight older Americans' greater fear of dementia and memory loss, compared with other health and financial worries. In 2013 a YouGov survey supported by the Alzheimer's Association and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) found that Americans age 60 and older were more afraid of Alzheimer's disease or dementia than of cancer, heart disease, stroke, or diabetes (Alzheimer's Association, 2014). The primary reasons why people are afraid of Alzheimer's disease are forgetting family, becoming a burden to the family, and not being able to take care of oneself. Additional reasons are the fear of losing their personality and who they are, and having had experience with someone who had the disease (Alzheimer's Association, 2014). Similarly, a small non-representative survey found that people over 50 years of age were more afraid of “losing my mental sharpness” than other risks, which included, in declining order, “losing my overall health,” “a family member losing their overall health,” “not being able to take care of myself,” “running out of money,” “getting a terminal illness,” and “losing a spouse” (AARP, 2014).

The relatively high level of worry among older Americans about maintaining their own and their loved one's cognitive health as they age gives public education campaigns a motivator for behavior change that they should be able to tap into.

INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT

Efforts to educate the public about cognitive aging and to promote particular types of behavior will need to take into account the information-rich environment in the United States and how best to reach middle-aged and older adults. The existence of information in the environment hardly guarantees that people pay attention to it; there is a long tradition in communication research of studying the conditions under which information in the media has an impact and how people use the media (e.g., Bryant and Oliver, 2009). Additional studies will be needed to understand when and for whom cognitive aging information in the environment makes a difference. As one example, qualitative studies suggest that at the oldest ages people rely more on health professionals and people in their social network than on media sources to keep them up to date on information (e.g., Williamson and Asla, 2009).

Current Public Education Campaigns and Resources

Media campaigns are needed that focus on cognitive aging and that convey the range of non-dementia cognitive issues faced by older adults and their families as well as the wide variability in cognitive function among older adults. Much of the outreach to date has concerned dementia or has addressed only a particular risk factor prevention strategy. Although some messages and materials are relevant—as reviewed below—there remains a strong need for campaigns that focus squarely on healthy cognitive aging.

In addition to its goals relevant to people diagnosed with dementia and their caregivers, the Healthy Brain Initiative seeks to improve the cognitive health of the American population (Alzheimer's Association and CDC, 2013). One goal is to support state and local needs assessments to identify disparities and ensure that educational materials are culturally appropriate (Alzheimer's Association and CDC, 2013). To date, the CDC Healthy Aging Research Network has used qualitative methods to assess the public understanding of cognitive aging and to make recommendations about public messages, such as the need to make messages more salient to people with diverse backgrounds. Much of that research is cited earlier in this chapter. A number of the objectives related to public awareness and improved access to information and resources are relevant to healthy cognitive aging, including

• coordinating national and state efforts to disseminate evidence-based messages about risk reduction for preserving cognitive health;
• working to ensure the consistency of cognitive health messages across national, state, and local levels;
• decreasing stigma and promoting strategies for the public to learn how to communicate appropriately with people with dementia;
• promoting early diagnosis of cognitive impairment; and
• promoting research on cognitive health promotion.

As of 2011, the CDC had improved the information infrastructure relating to cognitive health for professionals by creating lesson plans for middle- and high-school science teachers, making improvements to its website, adding items related to cognitive impairment to the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System survey (see Chapter 3), giving presentations at professional organizations, and publishing scientific literature on the topic (Alzheimer's Association and CDC, 2013). In 2014 the initiative funded five prevention research centers at leading universities to establish a research network to monitor attitudes and health status over time, to create and test messages and interventions to improve or maintain cognitive function, and to use that knowledge to support effective programs and practices in states and communities (CDC, 2014).

Using workshops, events, and mass media, the CDC and the Alzheimer's Association ran a demonstration project through local Alzheimer's Association chapters in Atlanta and Los Angeles aimed at increasing awareness of cognitive health, physical activity, and cardiovascular health among African American baby boomers. The evaluation found that people who had participated in the workshops had increased knowledge about brain health and were more motivated to engage in preventive behaviors related to screening for chronic cardiovascular disease risks (Fuller et al., 2012). However, the workshops and events reached only a small number of people in the target group, and it is unclear how many people were exposed to the modest media presence (Fuller et al., 2012). Furthermore, the extent to which people in the workshops or at the events changed their behavior is unknown, as is whether attendees inspired others to change their behavior. While the project showed that community partners can be engaged within a relatively short period of time to promote cognitive health and that workshops on cognitive health designed with local partners and targeted to a specific age and ethnicity can affect knowledge and some behavioral intentions, a greater media presence will be necessary to reach large numbers of people.

Federal agencies and nongovernmental organizations have made information available for interested members of the public and for public health and health care professionals to use with their patients or clients. Examples are listed in Box 7-1.

BOX 7-1

Examples of Information Resources on Cognitive Aging. AARP, Dana Foundation, and MetLife Foundation: These organizations print and distribute a series of booklets in English, Mandarin, and Spanish on recent advances in brain studies titled Staying Sharp (more...)

RELEVANT COMMUNICATIONS STRATEGIES AND MESSAGES

Communication and public education efforts pertinent to cognitive aging can benefit from and build on the public health improvement efforts by federal, state, and local agencies, nonprofit organizations, community initiatives, foundations, and private-sector companies.

Physical Activity

Physical activity is recommended for all age groups because of its health benefits in a variety of domains, including cognitive health (see Chapter 4A). However, the concerted efforts to improve physical activity levels in the general population over the past 40 years have not managed to counter the rising levels of inactivity (Brownson et al., 2005). Most older adults are inactive, and among the very old the rate of decline in activity levels is more rapid each year (Buchman et al., 2014). Interventions to improve physical activity among older adults achieve, on average, incremental improvements, but generally the increase is not enough to meet recommended levels (Conn et al., 2003, 2012). Because people who were more active when they were younger often continue to be more active as they age (e.g., Dohle and Wansink, 2013), it might be useful if future efforts to improve cognitive health target younger age groups. Numerous strategies have been explored for increasing physical activity levels (Prohaska and Peters, 2007), and, as discussed in Box 7-2 and Chapter 6, a combination of strategies will likely be most useful in sustaining behavior change. Evaluations will continue to be needed to determine the most effective approaches to long-term behavior change.

BOX 7-2

Strategies for Increasing Physical Activity. Counseling and small group sessions: Counseling can happen in many settings, from a clinician's office to recreation facilities, gyms, libraries, and even at home. Evidence suggests that counseling by a trained (more...)

Although evidence to recommend media campaigns as a standalone approach to increase physical activity is lacking (Brown et al., 2012; Kahn et al., 2002), targeted campaigns with links to community-based opportunities for physical activity can be an effective strategy for some population groups (Heath et al., 2012). Note that because limited-duration media campaigns may not result in sustained behavior change, they may be most effective over the long term when tied with efforts that keep people engaged, such as social support approaches.

CHALLENGES FOR PUBLIC EDUCATION CAMPAIGNS

DESIGNING PUBLIC EDUCATION CAMPAIGNS AND COMMUNICATION PROGRAMS

For public education about cognitive aging to succeed, it will be critical for public health planners to follow the principles of good communication design. Campaign planners can use the many tools available at the CDC's gateway website for health communication and social marketing practice (CDC, 2012a).

The initial phases of design involve specifying the goals and measurable objectives for each target group. This is typically an iterative process, during which the initial specifications are revised based on a variety of considerations: archival research; research into the current beliefs, behavior, and barriers faced by the target groups; analyses of the physical, organizational, political, and social environment; and consideration of resources. The main goals should be to change or maintain specific behaviors, such as following physical activity guidelines or adhering to blood pressure medications. The exact behavior (or products or services, depending on what is being promoted) should be selected and refined based on formative research. The goals should emphasize behavior change and maintenance rather than knowledge and awareness because research has repeatedly shown that what people know they should do and what they actually do are different (Andreasen, 1995). Given that the terminology for cognitive aging is new, initial campaigns might set intermediate knowledge goals focused on increasing the understanding of what cognitive aging is and is not and on ways to promote cognitive health.

Successful social marketing efforts segment the population into different groups and then strategically select target groups (Lee and Kotler, 2011). Designing a more effective communications strategy is easier when dealing with a specific, relatively homogeneous group (Slater, 1995). The criteria for segmenting groups may include risk status for cognitive decline, existing beliefs and openness to behavior change, current behaviors, environmental barriers and support, and communication patterns (Snyder, 2007). For example, a campaign focused on reducing cardiovascular disease risks might segment people into the following groups:

1.

those known to be at low risk,

2.

those at risk who are not taking preventive measures,

3.

those at risk who are taking preventive measures,

4.

those who have been diagnosed with cardiovascular disease but who are not adhering to medical advice, and

5.

those who have been diagnosed with cardiovascular disease and who are adhering to medical advice.

From a public health standpoint, the priority groups would be groups 2 and 4. These segments may be further subdivided according to the barriers they face (i.e., cannot afford medications, do not trust the medical advice given, etc.) or the opportunities for communication (i.e., regular contact with a medical practice or clinic, integration into community organizations, media usage). As reviewed earlier in this chapter, individuals' behavior may vary according to their age, ethnicity, gender, and cultural groupings related to beliefs, risks, and practices or location within specific geographic areas. Such differences would affect how segments are defined.

Generally, campaigns also might try to reach individuals who have an important influence on the people in the primary target groups through their communication and actions (e.g., family members, health care professionals) or through policy and environmental changes (e.g., local transportation officials, parks and recreation departments). Ultimately, segments can be prioritized based on the organizational mission of the campaign or program sponsor, public health needs, and effort (time, cost, and resources).

Once the goals—including target behaviors and populations—have been selected, the next step is to determine the behavior change approach that will be used. Campaign designers map out the pathways and barriers to change and maintenance for each behavior. Logic models based on behavior change theories and research with the target groups may clarify this process, and many useful theories have been applied successfully across a wide range of health behaviors and populations (for a review, see Glanz et al., 2008). When thinking about how to change new types of behavior, planners may also consider the taxonomy of behavior change techniques, which cuts across theories (Abraham and Michie, 2008; Michie et al., 2013). For established intervention domains, planners should take into account any existing systematic reviews of the effectiveness of various techniques for changing and maintaining healthy behavior (e.g., see French et al., 2014). If the target behavior is hindered by environmental barriers, then advocacy with policy makers, professionals, businesses, and the general public may be necessary (Wallack et al., 1993).

The next step is to plan the communication approach, including message content, communication channels, and message presentation (Snyder, 2007). The message content, while based on the goals, should be adapted for the target group and the behavior change strategy. For example, messages striving to persuade people to do something they already know they need to do, such as be more physically active, may address issues such as the severity and likelihood of the consequences of not following the recommendation, the benefits of compliance with the recommendations, stereotypes of people at risk, norms surrounding compliance, and skills in setting and monitoring goals or engaging in the behavior. Messages should emphasize points that are new to the target group; there is little to gain from telling people what they already know (Snyder and Hamilton, 2002). Research suggests that older adults are constantly refining their goals as they age and are more likely than younger people to actively pursue goals to protect themselves from feared outcomes (Cross and Markus, 1991; Markus and Nurius, 1986). Older adults also tend to respond better to positive feedback that emphasizes progress, however small, toward goals, rather than negative feedback that may undermine self-confidence (West and Ebner, 2013).

The communication channels for a given campaign or program may include interpersonal sources of information (e.g., friends, family, and health professionals), traditional media (e.g., television and pamphlets), and new media (websites, social media, and interactive programs or games). Media formats to consider using include news stories, editorials, messages embedded in entertainment programs or games, advertisements, public service announcements, interactive tailored programs, and testimonials. Interpersonal communication may take the form of in-person, phone, or Web-based consultations, social media messaging, lectures, small group meetings, and other approaches. Campaign planners should select channels and formats based on the target groups' usage patterns and preferences; campaigns that use multiple channels often have greater impacts (Snyder, 2007).

Note that media use patterns change across the life span (Robinson et al., 2004) and potentially from one generation to the next. For example, baby boomers are much more likely to use the Internet than people who are now more than 85 years old (Pew Research Center, 2014). Behavior change across a population is more likely when a combination of channels is used and when media can be selected so as to maximize the number of people in the target population who are reached (Hornik, 2002; Snyder and Hamilton, 2002). At the same time, interpersonal sources may have greater credibility. An AARP (2012) survey of adults more than 50 years old found that they trusted health professionals more than “mass media” reports. They wanted a single reliable source of information to help them understand conflicting research reports, which supports the suggestion of an information gateway (see Recommendation 8). Both mass media and interpersonal channels may be useful in promoting different aspects of healthy cognitive aging.

In terms of the message presentation (or campaign “look and feel”), planners should aim for high levels of attention, memorability, and believability, and the sources of the messages should be perceived as highly credible and likable. Typically, messages that are of high quality and delivered in multiple versions attract greater attention and are more memorable (Snyder, 2007). Structured conversations, such as motivational interviewing or tailored interventions, may prove effective with people of all ages (Lustria et al., 2013; Miller and Rollnick, 2002; Noar et al., 2007). As noted above, the message presentations should take into account the target group's literacy and health literacy skills, their language preferences, and potential communication impairments.

Furthermore, the emotional tone of the messages needs to be appropriate to the target group and the context. For example, laboratory studies show that older people have a greater response to positive emotions and messages about benefits than do younger adults, and they have a lesser response to negative events (Mather and Carstensen, 2005; Reed et al., 2014; Samanez-Larkin et al; 2007; Shamaskin et al., 2010). Similarly, an intervention study found that framing messages in terms of the positive benefits of change (rather than losses associated with not changing) seems to be a more effective approach with older adults (Notthoff and Carstensen, 2014).

Pretesting preliminary versions of messages and presentations with the target populations is critical in refining the communication approach and increasing the likelihood of impact. Message timing is also critical, although it is currently not known how often cognitive aging messages need to be received in order to sustain behavior change over time. Finally, campaigns can use elements that increase messages' memorability, such as logos, jingles, slogans, and taglines.

In sum, cognitive aging programs and campaigns to reach members of the public will need to develop specific behavioral goals for each target population, behavior change strategy, and communication strategy—including channels, message content, and presentation. Most likely, the most effective programs will employ a comprehensive strategy that addresses environmental constraints, individual behavior change, and social influences on the target population. In addition, ongoing feedback during planning and implementation in the form of formative and outcomes evaluation can improve program designs over time. Evaluation results should be made available broadly to enable the field of communications regarding cognitive aging to advance.

KEY MESSAGES AND RECOMMENDATION

Based on the review of the evidence throughout this report, the committee has developed several key messages for the public (see Box 7-3). The first area of emphasis is promoting an understanding of cognitive aging (what it is and what it is not) with a focus on the wide variation among individuals in the nature and extent of cognitive changes with age. Additionally, people across the life span should be informed about the actions they can take in childhood, youth, young adulthood, middle age, and older age to preserve and enhance their cognitive health. Older adults and their families also need information both on the potential for cognitive aging to affect decision making in some individuals and on strategies to protect against poor decisions, and older adults and their families can be encouraged to talk with their health care provider if they have concerns. Because of the need for and importance of research into cognitive aging, participation in research to advance the science of cognitive aging should be encouraged.

BOX 7-3

Key Messages. Cognitive health should be promoted across the life span. Due to the complexity of the human brain, numerous risk and protective factors may affect cognitive abilities in ways that vary among individuals. Age affects all organ systems. The (more...)

Recommendation 10: Expand Public Communication Efforts and Promote Key Messages and Actions

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Administration for Community Living, the National Institutes of Health, other relevant federal agencies, state and local government agencies, relevant nonprofit and advocacy organizations and foundations, professional societies, and private-sector companies should develop, evaluate, and communicate key evidence-based messages about cognitive aging through social marketing and media campaigns; work to ensure accurate news and storylines about cognitive aging through media relations; and promote effective services related to cognitive health in order to increase public understanding about cognitive aging and support actions that people can do to maintain their cognitive health.

Public communications efforts should:

• Reach the diverse U.S. population with campaigns and programs targeted to all relevant groups;
• Be sensitive to existing differences in knowledge, literacy, health literacy, perceived risk, cognitive aging–related behavior, communication practices, cultures and beliefs, speech and hearing declines, and skills and self-efficacy among target groups;
• Include evaluation components to assess outreach efficacy in the short and long term, and research the optimal communication strategies for the key messages among the target groups;
• Be updated as new evidence is gained on cognitive aging;
• Emphasize a lifelong approach to cognitive health;
• Promote succinct and actionable key messages that are understandable, memorable, and relevant to the target groups;
• Focus on sustaining changes in behaviors that promote cognitive health; and
• Promote effective evidence-based tools for maintenance of cognitive health and cognitive change assessment, as well as the information gateway on cognitive aging (see Recommendation 8).

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